Des femmes nues

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The following was also published by Ven- turi: Gia vidi nsdr de l'onde una mattma II Sol di raggi d' or tutto iubato, E di tal luce in faccia colorato Che ne incendeva tutta la marina; E vidi la rugiada mattutina La rds8 aprir d' un color at infiammato, Che ogni lontan aspetto avria stimato Che un foco ardease nella verde spina ; E vidi aprir a la stagion novella La molle erbetta, si com 1 easer suole, Vaga piu sempre in giovenil etade ; E vidi una leggiadra donna e bella Su V erbe coglier rose al primo Sole, E vincer queste cose di beltate.

In one of his sonnets he, with a highly poeti- cal fancy, imagines that an angel comes to admire his lady; and in another, he thinks that those who have not seen her, do not know what love is. Both these sonnets were inserted by Venturi in his selection.

Questa mattina nel venir del giorno II Ciel s' aperse, e giu dal terzo coro Discese un spiritel con V ali d'oro Di fiamme vive e di splendor adorno. Non vi maravigliate s' io ritorno, Dicea cantando, al mio caro tesoro, Chd in se non ave un piu gentil lavoro La spera che piu larga gira intorno.

Quanto abblandisce il Cielo a voi mortali, Che v' ha donato questa cosa bella, Ristoro immenso a tutti i vostri mali! Chi non ha visto ancora il gentil viso, Che solo in terra si pareggia al Sole, E le accorte sembianze al mondo sole, E 1' atto, dal mortal tanto diviso ; Chi non vide fiorir quel vago riso, Che germina di rose e di vi'ole, Chi non udi le angeliche parole, Che suonan di armonia di paradiso ; Chi piu non vide sfavillar quel guardo, Che come stral di foco il lato manco Sovente incende e mette fiamma al core ; E chi non vide il volger dolce e tardo Del soave splendor tra 1 nero e '1 bianco Non sa ne sente quel che vagfia amore.

To these sonnets another deserves to be added, which Venturi has not published. The reader will remark that it seems from this also that the name of the lady, for whom it was written, was Rosa. Rosa gentil, che sopra a' verdi dumi Dai tant' onore al tuo fiorito chiostro, Suffusa da natura di tal ostro, Che nel ttio lampeggiar il mondo allumx ; Tutti gli altri color son ombre e rami, - Che mostrera la terra od ha gia mostri ; Tu sola sei splendor al secol nostro, Che altrui nella vista ardi e me consumi.

Che il Sol che da tua vista e in tutto vinto, Appena ti conosce, o gentil rpsa. He once saw his lady in company with two others, and this gave occasion to the following sonnet.

Giojosamentein mezzo a lor si stava Voltando le sue ali in piu colori, E sua bellezza tutta fuor mostrava. La terra lieta germinava fiori, E '1 loco awenturoso sospirava Di dolce foco et amorosi odorL The lady who inspired Bojardo's muse, was not always cruel to him, as we have seen. She once presented him with a purse, the work of her own hands ; one of those presents, the full value of which is only felt by those whose passion renders sacred whatever has been the object of the particular attention of their beloved.

Perhaps never were the sentiments, which such a present was likely to awaken, more truly and warmly expressed than in the following sonnet, which was also published by Venturi.

Perche non e la man teggiadra teco? Perche teco non aono or quei deahi, Che si ti hon fittto di behade adorno? Sempre nella mia vita tami meco, Avrai senmreda-me-miUe sosphrt, Mlfle bad la notte euriHe il gforno.

Several of Bojardo's lyrical poems are writ- ten to complain of his lady's inconstancy, and even infidelity. One of them, which accuses her of this crime, is as follows: Hai donate ad altrai quel gaardo fiso, Ch' era si mio, edto tanto di lui, Che per star teco son da me diviso?

It was, probably, whilst labouring under the impression of having been deceived, that he wrote the following sonnet, which is to be found in Vkn- turi's volume.

Ma nostra etade adesso e in tanto errore, Che donna piu di amar non ha diletto, E di dnreua piena e di dispetto Fede non stima, ne virtu, ne onore. Sol la natura in questo mi displace, Che aempre fece questa creatura, O vana troppo, o troppo pertinace. Ventuki has not dealt fairly, either with the poet or the fair sex, in not publishing, along with the sonnet just quoted, one in answer to it, which the poet wrote, to ask pardon for his rash expres- sions.

Ben cognosce- oramai che il mio furore Non ha piu freno, o di ragione obbietto: U sdegno mio, che un tempo fu concetto, E pur con chiara voce uscito fuore.

Perdon vi chieggio, donne, se il dolore Ha fatto traboccar qualche mio detto, Che veritade e amor mi v' ha costretto: Certamente altrui colpa, o mia sciagura, Che a torto, al mio parer, V alma mi aiace, Al giusto lamentar mi rassicura.

Donate al mio fidlir, donne mie, pace ; Che a tacer tanto duol e cosa dura, E poco ha doglia chi dolendo tace. The cruelty of his lady did not drive him to speak harshly, either of her or of her sex, as did her supposed infidelity.

XVU her to change for her own sake, more than for his. Such is the theme of the following sonnet, which Venturi has not inserted in his selection.

Che non fa il tempo in fin? Or secco, senza foglie e senza odore, Di8colorito, misero e disdolto, Cid che gli die natura, il tempo ha tolto, H tempo che volando affretta V ore.

A questo guarda, disdegnosa e altera ; Abbi, se non di me, di te pietate, Acrid che indarno tua belta non pera. Not knowing to whom else to complain of his misfortunes, the poet addresses himself to Love, when the following dialogue takes place. Se dato a te mi sono in tutto, Amore, A chi di te mi deggio lamentare? Al Cielo, al mondo ed a me, a' el ti pare, Che ai miei suggetti son giusto signore.

Che nel tuo regno m' d rapito il core. Nel regno mio, non dir ; che in cos! Questa superba che il tuo cuor dlsvia Meco contende spesso, e tanto acquista, Ch' io me disprezzo e la possanza mia. This was not the only dialogue between Bo- jakdo and Love: Qual pottaiitainatiditao qnal deaths Pa, Signor mio, ch' io ti riveggia tale, Che hai gli ocelli al petto, al tergo mesM P ale, E fuor d' usansaporti il vito china?

Donde venuto tei, per quel camming A ihredermi nel mio ettremo male, Sense P arco derate, e eensail etzale, Che m' ha fatto a mesteseo peregrino t Love. Io vengoa pianger teco, e teco atcolto II too dolore e la tua aorte dura, Che dall' abito mio ti m' ha rivolto.

Tu eei tradito ed io dal pin bel volte, Che al mondo dimostrame mat Nature ; Quetto a te il core, a me lo strale ha tolto. Seeing no prospect of relief from his dis- tresses by any of these means, the poet next has recourse to the expedient of not complaining at all ; and, relying on his lady's generosity, he pro- fesses himself ready to die of grief in silence, lest his death should be imputed to her.

Venturi has not published this sonnet. Se cota bella sempre fti gentile, Ne mai mentl pietade a gentilesza, Ancor tata che gin ponga 1' atprezza Quel magnanimo core e tignorile.

Ma se pur fbrai il Ciel novo destino Fatto ha per me, ne ruol ch' io mi conforte Di aver merce dal mio yiso divino;. Tadto porterd la dura sorte, E sol piangendo mi morrd meschino, Per non inoolpar lei della mia morte. If we could suppose that these, poems were written exactly in the order in which they are now arranged, we might conclude that the means last adopted by the poet had the desired effect, since to the sonnet just quoted the following succeeds: Datemi a piene mani e rote e gigli Spargete.

It once happened that the object of the poet's affections was absent from the place, where he was accustomed to see her, and he expresses his grief in several poems, of which some are here none of the chivalrous generosity which Bojardo here sup- poses inseparable from royalty.

They could conceal their anger, but never pardoned an inferior, and were softened only by revenge. The following is addressed to the balcony where he had seen her. Ben vedo che il tuo danno a te non duole ; Ma quanto meco lamentar ti dei, Che, tenia sua vaghewa, nulla sei 1 Desert! Pur mi rimembra che ti vidi adorno, Tra' bianchi manni e il colorito fiore jy una fiorita, Candida persona. A' tuoi balconi aUor si stava Amore, Che or te soletto e misero abbandona, Perche a quella gentil dimora intorno.

On another occasion, he addresses some flowers, which had been taken care of by his lady, and which now, being neglected, felt the effects of her absence.

This sonnet is in the form of a dialogue. Fior scoloriti e pallide vTole, Che si suavemente il vento move, Vostra madonna dov' e gita? Fior sfortunati e v'iole infelici, Abbandonati dal divinoardore Che v' infondeva vista si serena! XJU Another occasion for expressing his melan- choly feelings, at being compelled to live sepa- rated from her whom he loved, was given to the Poet when he was obliged to goto Rome in When he was on the point of departing, he wrote this sonnet: Chi piangera con teco il tuo dolore, Amante sventurato, e le tue pene, Poiche lasciar t' e forza ogni tuo bene, Dispietata fortuna!

Partir convienti, e qui lasciar il core; Lasciar il core, e partir ti conviene ; Miser chi signoria d' altri sostiene 1 Ma piu chi serve, altrui servando amore. During his absence he wrote, amongst others, the following sonnets. The first of them is a dia- logue between the poet and a kind of sylph.

Qual anima divina o cuor presago Bidir mi pud che fa la luce mia? Dolce aostegno da la vita mia, Che at kmtana ancora mi confbrti, E quel che 11 mio cor lano pin deaa Nel doke aogno dolcemente apporti, Deb!

Che per tua vista 1' alma che moria Ratdene i tpirti sbigottiti e mortL Non mi laadar 9 o Segno fiiggitivo, Che lo mi eontento d' ingannar me stesso, Godendomi quel ben di ch' to son privo. E m pin meeo atar non puoi adeeso, Sembiansa di colei che mi tien vivo, Ritorna almanco a rivedermi speiao. The lady appears to have been no less dis- tressed than he was at his departure, as we learn from these two sonnets: Vidi il color di rose rivenire Di bianchi gigli e pallide viole, E vidi e quel veder mi giova e duole CristaHo e perle da quegli occhi uscire.

Dolci parole e dolce lacrimare, Che dolcemente m' addoldte il core, E di dolcezza il fete lamentare ; Con voi piangendo sospirava Amore, Tanto suave, che nel rammentare Non mi par doglia ancor il mio dolore.

We have hitherto quoted Bojakdo's sonnets only, as they are the most numerous of his lyrical compositions ; hut he also wrote Madrigals, and Choruset as he calls them , and Sestine and Can- zoni, teeming with beauties of every description.

No apology need be offered for giving specimens from some of these productions of an author, so utterly unknown, and so unjustly neglected.

It is entitled Cantta ComparaHvus. ApritocantideaHevieaiinterra A pianger meco, Anions Che nel mio tommo ben meco cantavi: Non puo, tenia tnaalta, aprir cere Sue pane teoto groi, Che nn tropp' alto dolor la voce eenra. Ben ho dalamentarmi in taftta guana, Che tt Ciel ml free a tocto B la aventiua una, Tenendomi lontano al mio conforto. Com' uom di venenata ttral ferito, Che di morir aspetti d' ora in ora, Vieppiu che morte lo aspettar aocora.

Io mi credea con tempo e con Jatica Spiecar dal core insano II gran dolor ch' io preai al dipartire; Or vedo lo tperar fallace e vano, Ch' io non poaso fiiggire II dnol che meco viene e il cor m' intrica.

Come V onda la febbre acqneta un poco, B in pioeol tempo rende maggior loco. Ben fora 1' alma timidetta e vile, 8e la vita con goal Cercaaai, e doke morte aveeai in bando. These compositions of Bojardo are selected, as we have already mentioned, from about one hun- dred and eighty pieces, amongst which many more are to be found equal to these, and none greatly inferior. Whe- ther we consider the images or the style, we cannot withhold our admiration from the poet.

In a very few instances, his diction may seem not so refined as might be wished, but his ap- parent vulgarisms will certainly be less offen- sive, after reading the notes to the Orlando Innamorato, in which these peculiarities will be explained. The novelty and delicacy of the images, as well as the charming elegance and sim- plicity with which they are expressed, must strike every reader who can appreciate Italian poetry.

Of all the lyrical poets of his age, Bojardo is un- doubtedly the most simple and pathetic. The depth of his feelings is transfused into his im- passioned lines, which touch every reader's heart, because they speak the genuine language of a poet, pouring forth the warm affection of a lover ; not the conceited phraseology of a would-be poet, mistaking the Wild, frantic, incoherent ravings of a madman, for inspirations of love.

The imitators of Petrarca have been guilty of servilely copying their model, spoiling his beauties, and increasing his faults ; and. Bojardo's poetry, on the contrary, although in the manner of Petrarca, has all the marks of originality. His images and style, as well as his diction, are his own ; and he resembles more the character of the predecessors of the Bard of Laura, than that of his successors. In his days, music was still subject to poetry; and the inanimate instruments were designed to support, not to drown the human voice.

Hence it is, that lyrical compositions, written since that period, and not intended to be accompanied by such music, are no longer possessed of the same melodious harmony. These imitators put forth their skill, and succeeded to a wonderful degree, in substituting a metrical harmony foi melody.

The distribution of accents, or pauses in the lines of the old bards, was determined by the musical time ; and when the sister art ceased to be the inseparable companion of poetry, a spurious and artificial jingle was affected, whilst pure melody was no longer one of the principal ele- ments of poetry.

Hence, it is as difficult to un- derstand by what means the lyrical effusions of those ancient poets read so peculiarly, and at the same time so simply musical, as it is impossible to emulate their exquisite beauty in this respect.

It seems that the art of writing lines, in which so much simplicity smoothness and strength were united to so delicate a proportion of sounds, is lost ; and the reason is, that in our days ccmxoni and sonnets have nothing hut the name of a song. It is this melody, in my opinion, that constitutes the inexpressible charm, which we admire in the old Italian lyrical pieces, as well as in those of Bojakdo.

Neither Ventubi, nor myself, have been able to discover any traces of Bojardo's love subse- quently to his marriage in What became of the object of his affection is not known. It seems she was married to a very ugly man, if we are to believe the poet, who gives the following portrait of him in one of his Italian eclogues: Occhi di gatta, e voce d' uom che sogna, Ran i capelli e bianchi come stoppa, n busto eguale, e gambe di cicogna.

Now, in the eclogue imme- diately preceding, Menalca complains of the death of Nisa. And in the second, as well as the third of the Latin eclogues, the death of Philiroe is lamented, in the following lines, among others: It is, therefore, probable that the object of Bo- jardo's affection died soon after, or, perhaps, be- fore his return from Rome, and that he deter- mined to marry in consequence.

The Latin verses of Bojardo appear worthy of the praises bestowed upon them by Tirabos- chi. We must remember that they were written before the elegance of the Latin tongue had been revived by Poliziano ; and, if we compare the lines of Bojardo with those of any of his contem- poraries, except the one just mentioned, he will not lose in the comparison.

His Latin poems consist of ten eclogues and a few epigrams ; which latter are satirical compositions, pointed at Nic- colo of Este, who attempted to seize upon Fer- rara and failed. He was taken and beheaded. The subject cannot afford any theme for mirth, and the epigrams, which are very few, are also very poor. But the eclogues every reader of taste must admire ; the more especially when the time at which they were written is kept in view. A few lines will be chosen from one, which has the great disadvantage of being an imi- tation of the fourth eclogue of Virgil.

Non nimbus laedetsegetes; non horrida vitem Vastabit glades j non turgida flumina campum ; Desuescet mortale genua sentire feroces Pngnantum strepitus et tristia ngna tubarum. Tune cerros laqueis, volucres tunc felkre visco, DeaUtet mortale genus: The following lines occur in the ninth eclogue: Mollis Amor blanda perfusus membra quiete Accubat et placidus suspirat naribus ignem ; Spicula nequicquam, nullo custode, sub alta Fixa jacent pinu; eeleres properate Napes, Ite simu], rosea Dryades, rapite anna, suisque Praelia temnentem puerum configite telis.

Besides his ten Latin eclogues, Bojabbo, also wrote an equal number of similar compositions in Italian, nine of which have been published, for the first time, by Venturi, who, for very good reasons, has omitted to print the remaining one. The most remarkable of those published, is the sixth which is in sdruccioli. Cridere and vedire do not rhyme together, the former being sdrucciolo, which is not Ae case with the latter.

XXX1U known that the eclogues in the Arcadia of Iacopo Sannazzaro are in a similar metre, and it was thought that he had the merit of having been the first to employ this kind of verse in a long com- position ; but now it seems that this merit belongs to the author of Orlando Innamorato.

In his eclogue two shepherds, Damone and Gorgo, sing alternately, and Corinna, who is to judge of their quently difficult. Parole piane are those which have the accent on the last syllable but one ; and they are the most numerous.

Two of them rhyme together, when the vowel on which the accent falls, as well as all the other letters, are alike in both: Parole tranche are those which have the accent on the last syllable; and provided the syllable is alike in both, two of them rhyme together. Senti and senti are not rhymes; senti and pati are rhymes. Gel andfedil are rhymes, although gib and fedele cannot rhyme. These few words will not be considered out of place by those who happen to know the first principles of Italian poetry, when they reflect that English critics of the very first order have fallen into absurdities, owing to their ignorance of these elements of Italian versification.

The Italian deals largely in identical ca- dences for foreigners, who find no difference of cadence between canto and cantb, cedere and sedere, reduce and rt- duce, levati and levati, whilst an Italian considers them widely distinct.

English rhymes, I am satisfied, are far more numerous. No Italian could make sanctuary, di- ver sly, and privacy rhyme together, nor misery and die, and many others of this kind, which occur at every stanza of Spenser, or Byron. S' io non m inganno al prato della rovere Oggi li fauni e driadi si aggirano, La dove a fregi d'oro amor suol piovere.

Tutte le ninfe a quella festa aspirano, Che la vanno a danzare; e te non danzano Sono da altrui mirate, od altri mirano. Quelle che ascose stan poco si awanzano; Ed io vi voglio andar, e fin vo' ponere A' vostri versi, che di par bilanzano. E pure, accid ehe alcun merto si veggia, Ambi a le frond vi cingo di bacchera.

Ma gift nel ballo H mio pensier vaneggia, Piu non starei; che udir mi par la nacchera. The following string of verses, sung six by six, alternately, byDafnide and Aristeo, will give an idea of the merit of Bojardo's other eclogues.

This extract is from the third of them: Per me non splenda raggio ne scintilla Di celeste fulgor, che non ho mai Ne mai son per aver ora tranquil la. Di poi che '1 mio diletto abbandonai, Non ebbi nd aver vo' vita serena, Ma sempre in pianti consumarmi e in guai. Quella stagion che al buon tempo rimena Rami fronzuti e i fiori in tra le fronde, Dona altrui gioja e me ripone in pena.

E quando io miro i pesci in tra quest' onde, Si son d' ogni altra sorte invidioso, m Che il lor vago solazzo mi confonde. S' io vedo uccelli andar insieme a volo, Se P armento de' cervi in selva accolto, Di cotal vista piu mi accresce il duolo; Che ogni animal va Hbero e disciolto, E si accompagna a quel che lo diletta; Ma a me star seco, o pur vederla, e tolte. La tortorella che si sta soletta Cantando, anzi piangendo il suo consorte, Per mezzo il cor di doglia mi saetta ; E mi rammenta mia misera sorte, Che son rimasto solo e sconsolato, Com' io sono e sard sino a la morte.

Verde cipresso, nobile e beato Per la cara memoria di colei, Che ha il suo bel nome in tua scorza segnato ; Ben tra le piante gloriar ti dei, Avendo un tal tesor che e teco unite; Ma doler mi debb' io che lo perdei. II dolce nome tuo non fia partite Mai dal mio petto ; Amor con la sua mano Con stral d' oro ve 1' ha dentro scolpito.

Ma rimembrando quanto io son lontano Al tuo bel viso, per V angoscia moro: Se a te non torno, ogni altro ajuto e vano. Splendeva il sole a la mia valle aprica, Le viti carche e 1' uva era raatura, Compiuto il grano ed arida la spica: Cade tempesta e grandine si dura, Che es8en4o gia vicino a tanto acquisto Ogni speranza da le man mi fura. Lasso, dolente, sventurato e tristo!

Ch' ebbi nel prate un arboscello inserto ; Piu vagp tronco il mondo non ha visto: De le sue fronde standomi coperto, E gia godendo il suo frutto soave, Lo abbandonai ed e per me deterto. Danno insperato, e perdita mi grava: Ebbi in tal modo una colomba avezia, Che aprendo il becoo in bocca mi badava. E poi 1' abbandonai per mia sdocchezza, E se non torno a lei, credo morire ; Che ogni altra gioia Y anima disprezsa.

The above lines are not inferior to those of any contemporary poet. His sdruccioli run with ease, and that difficult rhyme is managed in a masterly style. The diction is plain and correct, and the verse flows smoothly and softly. The images are pretty, and adapted to the persons ; nor can they be accused of being unnaturally affected, or excessively refined. They are simple and lively, as also neat and elegant.

What is still more to be praised is, that the ideas are original, and, on the whole, more pastoral than is the case even in the most renowned poets, who have treated similar subjects. The affection of Bojardo for the Duke Her- cules seems to have been very warm and sincere. XXXVH his sickness or his misfortunes. When he was at Rome with the Duke Borso, and consequently before Hercules had become his sovereign, he wrote the following most delicate lines, from which it seems he felt as much grief on being separated from this prince, whom he calls his lord, as he felt for being at a distance from his love.

This affection of the poet is the more honorable to both parties, as it was very doubtful whether Hercules would succeed his brother Borso in the Dukedom of Ferrara, whilst the power and rank of Bojardo were so considerable, that it seems to have been more likely at this time that Hercules would stand in need of the support of the poet, than that a proud and powerful noble- man should have any motive for flattering a prince, whose future greatness was, at most, very problematical.

We must conclude, therefore, that Hercules's private desert and character ren- dered him worthy of Bojardo's affection and attachment. In quel fiorito e vago paradiso La dove regna Amore, Lasciai, piangendo, alia mia donna il core: E vivo pur ancor da lui diviso? In un sol punto mi fu tolta allora Ogni mia cara cosa e preziosa ; Resto la vita, ch' ebbi sempre a vile. Due cose fur mia speme, e sono ancora: Ercole 1' una il mio Signor gentile, L' altra il bel volto, ov' anco il cor si posa.

In the ninth of the Latin eclogues, which, as Venturi has observed, seems to have been writ- ten about , when, I think, Hercules returned to Modena, of which he was governor, two shep- herds Tityrus, that is the poet himself, and Cory- don, meet for the purpose of going to do homage to that prince. Corydon says, amongst other things: Herculis adveptu fugientia gramma campo Creverunt, placidae placidisque in montibus umbrae. Tityre, tunc madido frondebunt cana Decembri Lilia, tunc gelidia rorabit nubibus ardens Syrius, et tardi properabunt plaustra Bootae, Cum meus ille meo labetur pectore Princeps.

Si libet, hunc igitur pariter cantabimus: Plaudite, Hamadryades, viridique ex arbore sertum Implicet errantes per Candida colla capillos, Nam meus Alcides patrias remeavit ad areas ; Plaudite: Sed procul ad veteris videor mini compitaquercus Cernere equos equitesque: Ille superbum Cornipedem vexans, cui splendet proxima Phaebo Candida caesaries, cui dulcia lumina fulgent, Ille Sigismundus Domini germ anus.

At ecce Lux mea progreditur, ceu syderepurior omni Lucifer acurato depellit nubila vultu. XXXIX Prince Sigismondo, Hercules's brother, was then governor of Reggio, and the compitum here alluded to, is, perhaps, that formed by the Strada maestra, which is crossed by the Rua grande, at the north end of which is the ducal palace of Modena.

It was also mentioned in the first eclogue. Hercules of Este is very highly praised by historians for his splendour, and even for his classical knowledge by some, whilst others deny that he even knew the Latin language.

Tiraboschi has confuted this opinion, and the confutation certainly appears to receive great strength from the circumstance of the Latin eclogues. The first verses of the tenth eclogue, before quoted, in my opinion, settle the question; Si mea lascivis, Princeps invicte, Thalia Carminibus strideiu castas offenderit aures, Da veniam ; primis tibi talia ludimus annis, Dum ladles versus et mollia verba canentem Oblectant, blando dum mens torquetur amore.

Now, to address, in this manner, a person who did not understand Latin would have been insulting, and would at the same time imply such meanness in the poet, as we are not warranted in supposing him capable of. The magnificence of this duke, seems, how- ever, to be more unquestionably ascertained than his learning.

His praises on the occasion of some of his grand undertakings, are thus cele- brated by the poet Tito Vespasiano Strozzi, bro- ther of Bojardo's mother, as we have observed. Ponere templa Deis, drcumdare mantbus urbem Regia depodto tecta novare situ.

Egregiam magnis absalvere sumptibus arcem, Cum certo immensum fine careret opus: Tot veteri ornamenta foro prsebere, novumque Addere, et innumeras edificare domos: Sternere nostra vias ad commoda ; cuigere muro Pascentes intus lata per arva feras: Magnum et difficile est moliri tanta repente, Totque animum curis implicuisse simul; Hsec et pulchra tamen nostri admiranda peregit Oh remincredibUem! Nunc hortos etiam Alcippi et pomaria Cyri Ezuperant una nata vireta die.

Without stopping to inquire how far a sovereign deserves to be praised, who levies taxes on his people, to be spent in objects, scarcely any of which will ever be beneficial to them, we must add, that to the mania of building lasting edifices, this prince added that of having occasional thea- tres erected for the performance, at enormous expence, of some of the Latin comedies, which were translated for this purpose. The Mencechmi of Plautus, seems to have been the first which was represented, translated, as some have sup- posed, by the Duke Hercules himself; but it is more probable that it was rendered into Italian by Battista Guarino, the elder, who has left us a description of.

Et remis puppim, et velo sine fluctibus actam Vidimus in portus nare Epidamne tuos. Vidimus effictam ccelsis cum moenibus urbem, Structaque per latos tecta auperba vias. Ardua creverunt gradibus spectacula multis, Velaruntque omnes stragula picta foros. Graecia vbc tales habuit vel Roma paratus, Dum regerent longis finibus imperium. Venit et ad magnos populosaBononia ludos, Et cum finitimis Mantua Principibus. Euganeis junctse properarunt collibus urbet, Quique bibunt lymphas, Arae vadose, tuas.

Hinc plebs, bine equites plauserunt, inde Senatus; Hinc cum vigineo nupta caterva choro. Chronicle, that the comedy had been also represented on the first day of that month. The representations at Ferrara are undoubt- edly among the oldest, if not the very oldest, of regular comedies performed on a princely scale.

It was certainly written before , since Bo- jardo died in that year ; but as other poets wrote at the request of the same prince, before , and their comedies were represented at Ferrara, it is impossible to say with certainty that U Timone was the first of all Italian comedies, al- though there is no doubt it was among the earliest. Although Bojardo has modestly said that his comedy is translated from Lucian, yet it is p This we learn from the title of the work itself: Io che fui Greco ed abitai Soria E son detto per nome Luciano Usata ho sol sin qui la lingua mia ; Ma la benignita di quel sovrano Che quivi regna, per darvi diletto, Di Greco oggi mi fece Itahano.

Among many other additions, the whole of the fifth act is Bojardo's. And as it is characteristic in its conclusion, a few words will be said concerning it, and a few ex- tracts given.

After Timone has got rid of all those who flocked about him on hearing that he had become rich once more, Lo Ausilio that is Help appears on the stage, and says that Timone vainly thinks of finding happiness in solitude, since man, what- ever be his condition, is made for society, and cannot do without the assistance of his fellow- creatures. Timone had concealed a treasure in the tomb of Timocrate, who died very rich, but who, foreseeing that his son, Filocoro, would soon throw away his fortune, buried a large treasure in the tomb, unknown to every one ; and, on dying, left a letter to his son, with a strong injunction that he should not open it be- fore ten years' from his death, when he ordered him to send the letter to the tomb.

Filocoro having squandered all his fortune, was in prison for debt, when the period for opening the letter arrived. Parmeno and Siro went together towards the place, and there they found Timone watching, as he was in fear of being robbed of the money which he had deposited in the tomb. The letter was ad- dressed to Pluto, but still at the instigation of Siro, Parmeno, having opened it, learned that they would find in the sepulchre some vases full of money.

Being pre- vented by Timone's presence, they determined to conceal themselves till his departure, and then to open Timocrate's tomb.

They hid themselves accordingly, and then Timone, being on the stage alone, takes leave of the spectators in the follow- ing manner: Pur ho scacciate queste due formiche Che raspavano 1' oro alia mia buca ; Or vadan pur, che Dio le malediche.

Cotal fortuna a casa li conduca, Che lor fiacchi le gambe al primo passo, E nel secondo 1' osso della nuca. Vol altri, che ascoltate giuso al basso, Chiedete, se Tolete alcuna cosa, Prima ch' io parta, perche mo vi lasso. Benche abbia V alma irata e disdegnosa, Da ingiusti oltraggi combattuta e vinta, A voi gia non 1' avro tanto ritrosa. In me non e pietade al tutto estinta: Facda di voi la prova chi gli pare, Sino alia corda, che mi trovo cinta, Gli presterd, volendosi impiccare.

After having made this kind offer to the spectators, Timone leaves the stage, and then Lo Ausilio comes forth once more, and addresses the audience, as follows: Forse che attend ancora riguardate, Che li due send a voi tornino avanti: Ma piu non usciran: Tra voi d gente onesta ne' sembianti: Pur ne la sera che le strade oscurano Mai si potria fidare di cotanti. Siro e Parmeno gia non s' assicurano Di scoprir quel tesor sensa bbbiglio, Ne d' aver vostra compagnia si curano. It is shortly this; Parmeno and Siro open the tomb and find both Timone's and Filocoro's treasure.

They share the first between themselves, honestly deliver to Filocoro his own, and all become rich and live happily. No more is said of Timone, who we may suppose applied to his own use the cord, of which he had made so courteous an offer to the audience. Some critics may perhaps find it worth while to inquire into the merits of the conclusion of this comedy. I shall, however, refrain from entering on such discussion.

Such are the minor poetical works of Bojardo, and, had he written no other than these, he would have deserved a distinguished place among the Italian poets. It is not, however, as a poet only that his name ought to be remembered with respect and gratitude.

As a scholar, he was one of the most distinguished that Italy has produced ; and before entering into an examination of his most solid and everlasting monument of glory, the Orlando Innamorato, his learned prose works must be noticed. These prose works consist chiefly of trans- lations from Latin and Greek authors of the first class. Several of these translations have never been printed, and even those which have had a better fortune are now scarce, not having been republished for about three hundred years.

We may, however, believe that the merits of Bojardo as a translator are of a very high order, when we consider the time at which he wrote. His interpretation will probably be er- roneous in many instances, and he may perhaps have fallen into mistakes, of which at our own days an inferior scholar would not be guilty ; but, when we consider the gigantic strides which since Bojardo's days have been made in these studies, we shall have more reason to wonder at the ungenerous triumph with which these faults are brought forward as a reproach against the Count of Scandiaho, than that he should have committed them.

If a biographer of this great man were disposed to treat critics with the same rigour, with which they have treated Bojardo, he might call upon them to enter into particulars, and instead of a dogmatical general accusation against the translator, to point out the passages which render him liable to cri- ticism.

It would then, probably, be found that they are both fewer in number and of less im- portance than we are led to believe by the general imputation cast on Bojardo.

But even admitting him to be as faulty as these rigid disciples of Aristarchus would have us believe, still his glory as a scholar will be splendid, and his place in the literary republic higher than that of his ill-natured adversaries. The published translations of Bojardo are: Apule jo delV Anno d' Oro: In that dedication, as quoted by Zeno, Bojardo tells the Duke that it is to him that the Italian language is indebted for the pri- vilege of expressing the sentiments not only of Herodotus but of Diodorus also ; the first six books of whose history had been in fact translated at Ferrara by an anonymous writer.

It is re- markable that no mention is made in this de- dication, so far at least as we may judge from Zeno's extract, of the translation of Xenophon's Cyropcedia, which was accomplished by Bojardo, and which still exists in MS. If there were any reason for supposing r Gamba, Testi di Ling. In questa rozza e curiosa opera si trovano voci e modi di dire pieni di vivezza e di prpprieta.

Those, who have an opportunity of comparing the MS. Besides the Cyropcedia, there exists in MS. Emilio Probo degli Uomini Illustri di G recta. It is, probably, nothing but a translation of the Lives of C. Nepos, a work which for a long time was attributed to jEmilius Probds.

There have been writers who have asserted that Bojardo translated Homer, but no evidence whatever ex- ists in support of this assertion. Doni says that Bojardo wrote also a book called Testamento delF Anima ; but as this work is mentioned only by this barefaced impostor, we may be certain that it never existed, and that the title was a forgery of the impudent priest.

These letters, we are told by Tiraboschi, who has seen them, contain nothing of importance. Among the prose works of Bojardo, I have hitherto purposely omitted to speak of one more known than all the others, which deserves to be noticed at some length, It is the Istoria Impe- rial, which Bojardo professes to have translated from Ricobaldo. Muratori, the father of Italian history, a man to whom Italy and the history of the middle ages owe more than to any other person, has published this work of Bojardo in the ninth volume of his Rerum Italicarum Scrip- tores, the most splendid monument of patriotism ever erected by an individual, to preserve the records of the past glory of his country.

He has prefixed a preface to the work, in which, with his usual critical acuteness, the illustrious editor enters into an investigation of the authorship of the book, and arrives at the conclusion that Bojardo was not the mere translator, but the original author of the Istoria Imperiale. This point would not have been here minutely discussed, were it not that the Istoria Imperiale is an invaluable fund of information concerning the narrative romanesque poems of Italy, and that it throws considerable light on the subject of the Orlando Innamorato.

Rioobaxdo was a native of Ferrara: Muratori and Eccardus have edited only part of it, under the title of Historia Imperatorum, from about the year to , and along with it they have published a Compi- latio Historica, from the beginning of the world to the year , The edition of the Pomarmm by Muratori, was collated by him with a MS.

Pomerium that is Pomarium J vero dicitur hoc opus duabus de causis. Una quia sicut pomerium quando conseritur, ex plantis ex affis pomeriis acceptis plantatur, ita hoc opus ex mnlfcis seriptis aliorum librorum conscriptnm est.

Secunda causa, quia skut pomeria fiunt ad oblectamenta visus et gus- tus, ita hoc opus editum ad oblectationem animi per fructus exemplorum historian, et ad jocunditatem et refectionem animi per fructus exemplorum rerum gestarum. Nam jocundum est scire res gestas, et fructuosum est instrui per illas. He, however, immediately suspected it was an original work of Bojabdo ; the more so, as he could find no mention of its ex- istence befpre Bo jabdo's time ; nor was any trace to be.

It would be tedious to enter into details explaining why. We may, however, be allowed to express a doubt, whether, Mubatobi did not go too far in sup- posing that Ricobaldo never dreamt of writing such a book, and that Bojabdo wilfully intended to palm on the public a forgery, containing im- pudejit falsehoods, which Jie published as truths, knowing. But, although these addi- tions contain many assertions which are incorrect, their untruth does not seem to have been sus- pected by Bojabpo.

But it seems that the history, then known under the name of Turpin's, was different from that which is now extant. Under the reign of Ludovic I. Rxcobaldo relates the story of a young damsel, who lived without food for several years; and of a large piece of ice which tell in summer, fifteen feet in length, six in breadth, and two in thickness. Now, although there be not one word of this in Turpin, we find, however, tjie narrative, with respect to the long fast of the young woman, told twice over in Nithard's Ann.

Of him Ricobaldo in -the Pomarium says but little. I ought, perhaps, to have mentioned, that a fragment of a poem, De Carolo M. Rege et Leonis Papa ad eundem adventu, is probably part of a. But as we know that it is historically true that Lothaire the younger, or, as others call him, of Lorraine, was Hie object of peculiar dislike to the priesthood; that he was excommunicated, and re-admitted to communion only after the most terrible" imprecations on his head from the pope, if he Were guilty; and finally, that he, as well as most of those who were admitted to the communion on that occa- sion, died soon after, we are justified inf thinking that, what was related in mistake by Ricobaldo respecting the soul of Lothaire I.

De cujus anima maxima inter Arigelos et Demoneft akercatio fait, fta ut cunctig assistentibus corpus flistrahi videretur ; sed orationibus Monachorum Dssmones ' fiigati sunt.

Muratori, among the other historical blun- ders committed by the writer of the Istoria Im- periale, which nearly determined him not to pub- lish the book, alludes particularly to the extra- vagant stories which the author tells as having happened under the reign of Charles the Bald ; and points out the gross genealogical mistakes into which he falls, especially in confounding together Charles the Fat and Charles the Simple.

With regard to the events, which are said to have taken place under Charles the Bald, we shall have occasion to say something more hereafter. It cannot be denied that the opinion of Mu- eatoei is substantially correct, that such a history was never written by Ricobaldo, and that most of the events related by Bojardo, were never recorded by that historian. It appears clear that the Istoria Imperiale is the Pomarium of Ricobaldo translated, taking this word in the sense in which Bojardo took it, when he said that his tragedy, II Timone, was translated from Lucian.

Bojardo took the Pomarium as his text book ; and, in turning it from Latin into Italian, made such additions to it, as he conscientiously thought necessary to render that history more complete. The Istoria Imperiale is better written than many histories which have received greater re- nown, and contain as many mistatements as that of Bojardo ; with this difference, that whilst the latter is chargeable only with being mistaken, some more famous historians, both ancient and modern, are guilty of the most deliberate and gross falsehoods, set forth to serve their private views, and for the purpose of deceiving future generations.

The importance of this history, in relation to the poem of Bojardo, cannot be esti- mated, till this poem itself be known; and I shall therefore proceed to examine the Orlando Innamorato. The epoch when this poem was begun is not known. In the first of his Latin eclogues, Tity- rus, a name taken by the poet himself, is recorded as attempting to sing of war ; c and the same allu- sion occurs in the fifth eclogue also. The two first books of the poem were printed at Venice in I, nearly as we now read them.

From canto i to canto xxii is. The war between the Venetians and the Duke of Ferrara, which broke out in , and in which Bojaedo undoubtedly took part, prevented his proceeding in the work. Peace being concluded in , he returned to his poem.

The poet died, as we have seen, in' Decem- ber of that year ; so that he seems to have la- boured at his poem, till within a few weeks of his death. Within four years of that epoch, Marsiglio Ficiko departed this life, and to the death of Lorenzo de' Medici, which happened in , were probably owing the misfortunes of Italy which then began, and have never since ceased.

But they are to be envied rather than pitied ; for their early death prevented them from seeing their country disgraced and enslaved by foreigners. It is from that time, that the heaviest of all curses which can fall on a nation, a foreign yoke, has blasted Italy.

They might have witnessed some of its blighting effects, had they lived a few years lon- ger ; and, trifling as these effects may appear to the Italians of the present day, who are doomed to Stffler the utmost that foreign tyranny can' inflict, the evils of their country would have been too titter for the proud hearts of men, unaccustomed to such degradation.

There is no doubt but that all of them were warm friends of their country ; Bojardo, more particularly, who speaks of her with enthusiasm, and would, therefore, have been more keenly touched by her misfortunes.

The first complete edition of the Orlando Innamorato was made at Scandiano after the death of the poet, in The poem, as it was then printed, and as it has been ever since pub- lished, was divided into three books, and each book divided into cantos, the first book containing twenty-nine cantos, the second thirty-one, and the third only nine.

Each book was to comprise a particular portion of the general subject. Thus, as we find in Venturi, the first book relates, ac- cording to the edition of , ' the different adventures and causes of Orlando's love. Tu vero felix, Agricola, non vitae tantum daritate sed etiam opportunitate mortis. The poet, in feet in the 4th stanza of the first canto of the 2nd book, engages especially to sing of Ruggero. The stanza is as follows: The whole poem consists, therefore, of sixty- nine cantos, distributed as above.

Modern edi- tors of the Orlando Innamorato remade as it is called by Berni have been pleased to number the cantos in a continued progression, from one to sixty-nine ; a system not only followed in the edition of Berni in the Classici Italiani one of the worst of that bad collection , but even in the only critical edition of the Innamorato by Berni ever made ; that in two volumes printed at Flo- rence by Molini.

Bo jardo concludes the last canto of the second book with the following lines: A Dio amanti, e dame peregrine, A vostro onor di questo libro e il fine. If the work be not divided into, books, the expres- sion questo libro is not easily intelligible.

In like manner Bebni says, lib. In fact he ends the thirty first canto of this second book, like Bojardo: A vol leggiadri amanti, e peregrine Dame, ha princrpio questo Libro e fine 1 In the 5th sL e. Nel principio del Libro che e passato Da voce di grandissimo terrore Da messed! I have therefore thought it my duty to follow the division and subdivision, which the poet was pleased to adopt. Bojardo received the traditions respecting Charlemagne as a foundation for his poem, but introduced at the same time a very important novelty by enlivening them with love, which is constantly banished from them in their primitive state.

He went farther ; he took for his prin- cipal hero, Orlando ; and for the subject of his l Aver principio a una persona is a very strange ex- pression.

Ixiii poem, the love of that hero, whilst the romancers agree, in saying that Orlando was never so foolish or so noble-hearted as to fall in love. The boldness of this innovation cannot now be folly appreciated, when the romantic traditions are matter of curious inquiry for the learned, in- stead of being the subject of popular belief as they were inBojAKDo's time.

He had the merit of being the first of the romanesque poets, who, faithful to the title which he gave to the work, wrote on the subject, as he had promised his readers he would do. From the stanza quoted above, in which the principal subjects of the third book of the poem are enu- merated, we see that the murder of Ruggero was to occupy a prominent part of it, and there is no doubt that his love with Brandamante was to be likewise the object of the poet's particular attention.

Yet in the same stanza we see, that the glorious deeds of Orlando, performed through love, were. It will he necessary, both to prove this, and for the better understanding of the poem, to in- troduce a short analysis of the principal action of the Orlando Innamorato, to show the connection of the events, and how they are dependent on the Love of Orlando, which receives an epic importance from this connection, whilst the facts themselves are thus rendered more interest- ing, and are at the same time cemented toge- ther by that hero and his passion.

The fol- lowing is a sketch of the principal action of the Innamorato, Whilst Charlemagne is holding a court plenar at Paris, at which twenty-two thousand and thirty guests were entertained at dinner ; a lady presents herself before him, accompanied by four giants' and a knight, who defies all the warriors to a joust. She was so remarkably beautiful, that every one fell in love with her, Orlando and Rinaldo among others.

Malagigi, a great enchanter, conjured a fiend to know who this lady was, and he learned that she was called Angelica, and that the knight Argalia is her brother ; that they were sent by their father Oalaphron king of Catay, in order that they should partly by allurements, partly by force, bring as many as they could of the Paladins prisoners to him ; that besides her beauty, Ange- lica had a ring, which defended the wearer, on whose finger it was from all spells, while, if con- LIFE OF BOJARDO.

As for the knight, he was brave; had a suit of enchanted armour, which could not pos- sibly be broken or pierced ; and a lance of gold so charmed, that no one could stand against it. Any person touched by this lance immediately fell to the ground. Malagigi went to the lady, who was sleeping, intending to kill her ; but, softened by her beauty, changed his mind: Ferrau eventually killed Argalia, and Astolfo got pos- session of the enchanted lance. Angelica deter- mined to return home, and was pursued by Or- lando and Rinaldo, who were both smitten with her.

On the way, she stopped to drink of an en- chanted fountain, which caused any one who tasted its waters, to love ; whilst Rinaldo drank the water of another fountain, which inspired hatred.

Angelica consequently fell madly in love with him, while he, detesting her, and ashamed of his former affection for her, returned to Paris. Charles had received sad news. Gradasso, a king of Sericana, had conceived a desire to obtain possession of Bajardo, Rinaldo's horse, and of Durindana, Orlando's sword. But as he knew the proprietors would sell their wares rather dear, he determined to invade France, and accordingly set off with one hundred and fifty thousand cavalry, and plenty of giants, invading Spain, on his way to France.

Angelica, having returned to her own country, restored to Malagigi his liberty and his book, on condition that he should persuade Rinaldo, his brother, to go to her. Malagigi, finding more diffi- culty than he could possibly have anticipated in performing this task, ensnared Rinaldo into a ship, which, against his will, took him to an island far distant, than which, however, no pleasanter spot could be imagined. Gradasso being then unop- posed by Rinaldo, obliged Marsilio to become his vassal, and both together attacked France, and in a pitched battle took prisoner Charles with all his Paladins.

Bajardo, Rinaldo's horse, having been brought back from Spain to Paris by the French soldiers, Gradasso very generously offered to liberate Charles and all his peers, pro- vided that this horse should be delivered to him immediately, and that the Emperor should pledge his word to send Orlando's sword as soon as this renowned Paladin returned to Paris. Charles accepted these proposals very readily; but Astolfo, who commanded in Paris, refused, to the great sorrow of the Emperor, to give up Ba- jardo, for which refusal he was considered crazy ; and indeed with good reason.

The golden lance worked its usual wonders, and the King of Sericana was unseated. But Astolfo, dissatis- fied with Charlemagne, left France in search of his cousins, Orlando and Rinaldo.

Agricane King of Tartary had been an unsuc- cessful lover of Angelica, and determining to con- quer her by force, laid siege to Albracca, a fortress where she was shut up, and to which Astolfo went, in the hope of finding Orlando.

He was not there, but he soon came,' having been delivered by Angelica from a strangely en- chanted palace, in which he had been detained.

When he arrived, he fought as usual, and killed Agricane in a duel. Rinaldo, on the other hand, hearing that the island where he was belonged to Angelica, fled from it. After many adventures, being informed of the siege of Albracca, he went thither, through hatred of Angelica, and expecting to find Orlando with her. The two cousins quar- relled and fought desperately.

Angelica, who lov- ed Rinaldo as much as ever, fearing the issue of the contest, sent Orlando on a perilous and distant ex- pedition, which suspended the duel. King Trojano had been killed in France by Or- lando sixteen years before, and his son determined to revenge his death, with which design he in- vaded France.

After this they all started for France. But Rodamonte King of Algieri, and the bravest amongst Agramante's vassals, having lost patience, would not wait for any one, and sailed alone for Europe, where he landed, after a terrible storm, on the. At the same time Marsiglio King of Spain, through the treacherous suggestions of Gano, attacked France from the Pyrenees. Orlando, who had been sent by Angelica on the perilous quest already mentioned, accom- plished it, and, after sundry adventures, met with Rinaldo, who had set.

They became friends, however, and a messenger dispatched by Charles, summoned them to the assistance of the empire, threatened as we have seen above. Rinaldo obeyed the summons, but Orlando returned to Angelica, then besieged in Albracca by a terrible Indian queen, called Mar- fisa, who had sworn never to raise the siege till she had taken her. When Orlando told Angelica that Rinaldo had returned to France, she, on the plea that Albracca would soon be obliged to sur- render through famine, persuaded him that they had better all proceed to France, which was done, and they safely reached that country.

Rinaldo had arrived there long before, and had bravely fought against Rodamonte and Mar- siglio. But it was not necessary to go so far ; he soon met her, who had that very moment drunk of the Fountain of Disdain. Sexo oral Bonitinho Estrela de pornô Pontos de vista.

Voyer Amador Casais Ao ar livre. Anal Lésbicas Sexo a três. Softcore Amador Voyer Orgasmo Latinas. Grandes mamas Latinas Estrela de pornô.

Grandes mamas Lésbicas Gemendo. Amirah adara Anal Gozada na buceta Bonitinho Estrela de pornô. Pontos de vista Esperma. Loiras Orgasmo Estrela de pornô. Anal Cu Estrela de pornô Sarah vandella. Gozada na buceta Pontos de vista Imagens grande plano Namorada Casais. Gozada na buceta Puta Molhado. Sexo oral Cunnilingus Estrela de pornô.

Grandes mamas Loiras Esporradela Estrela de pornô.

Porno jeune gay escort normandie -

When Orlando told Angelica that Rinaldo had returned to France, she, on the plea that Albracca porno gros sein escort corse soon be coq nue com annonce travesti to sur- render through famine, persuaded him that they had better all proceed to France, which was done, and they safely reached that country. No apology need be offered for giving specimens from some of these productions of an author, so utterly unknown, and so unjustly neglected. The stanza is as follows: The wars of these two sovereigns in Sicily and Africa were enough to render their very name venerable to the people, of their days. porno jeune gay escort normandie In like manner Bebni says, lib. Ben n' ha 1' Italia vera esperienza Che gia ripiena di spietati Turchi Per lui purgata fia di tal semenza. He chose, of course, such as he believed to be possessed of most merit. Angelica consequently fell madly in love with him, while he, detesting her, and ashamed of his former affection for her, returned to Paris. Sexo oral Cunnilingus Estrela de pornô. Dolce's etymology is absurd. Se dato a te mi sono in tutto, Amore, A chi di te mi deggio lamentare?

Dolce aostegno da la vita mia, Che at kmtana ancora mi confbrti, E quel che 11 mio cor lano pin deaa Nel doke aogno dolcemente apporti, Deb! Che per tua vista 1' alma che moria Ratdene i tpirti sbigottiti e mortL Non mi laadar 9 o Segno fiiggitivo, Che lo mi eontento d' ingannar me stesso, Godendomi quel ben di ch' to son privo. E m pin meeo atar non puoi adeeso, Sembiansa di colei che mi tien vivo, Ritorna almanco a rivedermi speiao. The lady appears to have been no less dis- tressed than he was at his departure, as we learn from these two sonnets: Vidi il color di rose rivenire Di bianchi gigli e pallide viole, E vidi e quel veder mi giova e duole CristaHo e perle da quegli occhi uscire.

Dolci parole e dolce lacrimare, Che dolcemente m' addoldte il core, E di dolcezza il fete lamentare ; Con voi piangendo sospirava Amore, Tanto suave, che nel rammentare Non mi par doglia ancor il mio dolore. We have hitherto quoted Bojakdo's sonnets only, as they are the most numerous of his lyrical compositions ; hut he also wrote Madrigals, and Choruset as he calls them , and Sestine and Can- zoni, teeming with beauties of every description.

No apology need be offered for giving specimens from some of these productions of an author, so utterly unknown, and so unjustly neglected. It is entitled Cantta ComparaHvus. ApritocantideaHevieaiinterra A pianger meco, Anions Che nel mio tommo ben meco cantavi: Non puo, tenia tnaalta, aprir cere Sue pane teoto groi, Che nn tropp' alto dolor la voce eenra.

Ben ho dalamentarmi in taftta guana, Che tt Ciel ml free a tocto B la aventiua una, Tenendomi lontano al mio conforto. Com' uom di venenata ttral ferito, Che di morir aspetti d' ora in ora, Vieppiu che morte lo aspettar aocora.

Io mi credea con tempo e con Jatica Spiecar dal core insano II gran dolor ch' io preai al dipartire; Or vedo lo tperar fallace e vano, Ch' io non poaso fiiggire II dnol che meco viene e il cor m' intrica.

Come V onda la febbre acqneta un poco, B in pioeol tempo rende maggior loco. Ben fora 1' alma timidetta e vile, 8e la vita con goal Cercaaai, e doke morte aveeai in bando. These compositions of Bojardo are selected, as we have already mentioned, from about one hun- dred and eighty pieces, amongst which many more are to be found equal to these, and none greatly inferior. Whe- ther we consider the images or the style, we cannot withhold our admiration from the poet.

In a very few instances, his diction may seem not so refined as might be wished, but his ap- parent vulgarisms will certainly be less offen- sive, after reading the notes to the Orlando Innamorato, in which these peculiarities will be explained.

The novelty and delicacy of the images, as well as the charming elegance and sim- plicity with which they are expressed, must strike every reader who can appreciate Italian poetry. Of all the lyrical poets of his age, Bojardo is un- doubtedly the most simple and pathetic. The depth of his feelings is transfused into his im- passioned lines, which touch every reader's heart, because they speak the genuine language of a poet, pouring forth the warm affection of a lover ; not the conceited phraseology of a would-be poet, mistaking the Wild, frantic, incoherent ravings of a madman, for inspirations of love.

The imitators of Petrarca have been guilty of servilely copying their model, spoiling his beauties, and increasing his faults ; and. Bojardo's poetry, on the contrary, although in the manner of Petrarca, has all the marks of originality. His images and style, as well as his diction, are his own ; and he resembles more the character of the predecessors of the Bard of Laura, than that of his successors.

In his days, music was still subject to poetry; and the inanimate instruments were designed to support, not to drown the human voice. Hence it is, that lyrical compositions, written since that period, and not intended to be accompanied by such music, are no longer possessed of the same melodious harmony. These imitators put forth their skill, and succeeded to a wonderful degree, in substituting a metrical harmony foi melody.

The distribution of accents, or pauses in the lines of the old bards, was determined by the musical time ; and when the sister art ceased to be the inseparable companion of poetry, a spurious and artificial jingle was affected, whilst pure melody was no longer one of the principal ele- ments of poetry.

Hence, it is as difficult to un- derstand by what means the lyrical effusions of those ancient poets read so peculiarly, and at the same time so simply musical, as it is impossible to emulate their exquisite beauty in this respect. It seems that the art of writing lines, in which so much simplicity smoothness and strength were united to so delicate a proportion of sounds, is lost ; and the reason is, that in our days ccmxoni and sonnets have nothing hut the name of a song.

It is this melody, in my opinion, that constitutes the inexpressible charm, which we admire in the old Italian lyrical pieces, as well as in those of Bojakdo.

Neither Ventubi, nor myself, have been able to discover any traces of Bojardo's love subse- quently to his marriage in What became of the object of his affection is not known. It seems she was married to a very ugly man, if we are to believe the poet, who gives the following portrait of him in one of his Italian eclogues: Occhi di gatta, e voce d' uom che sogna, Ran i capelli e bianchi come stoppa, n busto eguale, e gambe di cicogna.

Now, in the eclogue imme- diately preceding, Menalca complains of the death of Nisa. And in the second, as well as the third of the Latin eclogues, the death of Philiroe is lamented, in the following lines, among others: It is, therefore, probable that the object of Bo- jardo's affection died soon after, or, perhaps, be- fore his return from Rome, and that he deter- mined to marry in consequence.

The Latin verses of Bojardo appear worthy of the praises bestowed upon them by Tirabos- chi. We must remember that they were written before the elegance of the Latin tongue had been revived by Poliziano ; and, if we compare the lines of Bojardo with those of any of his contem- poraries, except the one just mentioned, he will not lose in the comparison. His Latin poems consist of ten eclogues and a few epigrams ; which latter are satirical compositions, pointed at Nic- colo of Este, who attempted to seize upon Fer- rara and failed.

He was taken and beheaded. The subject cannot afford any theme for mirth, and the epigrams, which are very few, are also very poor. But the eclogues every reader of taste must admire ; the more especially when the time at which they were written is kept in view.

A few lines will be chosen from one, which has the great disadvantage of being an imi- tation of the fourth eclogue of Virgil. Non nimbus laedetsegetes; non horrida vitem Vastabit glades j non turgida flumina campum ; Desuescet mortale genua sentire feroces Pngnantum strepitus et tristia ngna tubarum. Tune cerros laqueis, volucres tunc felkre visco, DeaUtet mortale genus: The following lines occur in the ninth eclogue: Mollis Amor blanda perfusus membra quiete Accubat et placidus suspirat naribus ignem ; Spicula nequicquam, nullo custode, sub alta Fixa jacent pinu; eeleres properate Napes, Ite simu], rosea Dryades, rapite anna, suisque Praelia temnentem puerum configite telis.

Besides his ten Latin eclogues, Bojabbo, also wrote an equal number of similar compositions in Italian, nine of which have been published, for the first time, by Venturi, who, for very good reasons, has omitted to print the remaining one.

The most remarkable of those published, is the sixth which is in sdruccioli. Cridere and vedire do not rhyme together, the former being sdrucciolo, which is not Ae case with the latter.

XXX1U known that the eclogues in the Arcadia of Iacopo Sannazzaro are in a similar metre, and it was thought that he had the merit of having been the first to employ this kind of verse in a long com- position ; but now it seems that this merit belongs to the author of Orlando Innamorato. In his eclogue two shepherds, Damone and Gorgo, sing alternately, and Corinna, who is to judge of their quently difficult.

Parole piane are those which have the accent on the last syllable but one ; and they are the most numerous. Two of them rhyme together, when the vowel on which the accent falls, as well as all the other letters, are alike in both: Parole tranche are those which have the accent on the last syllable; and provided the syllable is alike in both, two of them rhyme together. Senti and senti are not rhymes; senti and pati are rhymes. Gel andfedil are rhymes, although gib and fedele cannot rhyme.

These few words will not be considered out of place by those who happen to know the first principles of Italian poetry, when they reflect that English critics of the very first order have fallen into absurdities, owing to their ignorance of these elements of Italian versification.

The Italian deals largely in identical ca- dences for foreigners, who find no difference of cadence between canto and cantb, cedere and sedere, reduce and rt- duce, levati and levati, whilst an Italian considers them widely distinct.

English rhymes, I am satisfied, are far more numerous. No Italian could make sanctuary, di- ver sly, and privacy rhyme together, nor misery and die, and many others of this kind, which occur at every stanza of Spenser, or Byron. S' io non m inganno al prato della rovere Oggi li fauni e driadi si aggirano, La dove a fregi d'oro amor suol piovere.

Tutte le ninfe a quella festa aspirano, Che la vanno a danzare; e te non danzano Sono da altrui mirate, od altri mirano. Quelle che ascose stan poco si awanzano; Ed io vi voglio andar, e fin vo' ponere A' vostri versi, che di par bilanzano.

E pure, accid ehe alcun merto si veggia, Ambi a le frond vi cingo di bacchera. Ma gift nel ballo H mio pensier vaneggia, Piu non starei; che udir mi par la nacchera. The following string of verses, sung six by six, alternately, byDafnide and Aristeo, will give an idea of the merit of Bojardo's other eclogues. This extract is from the third of them: Per me non splenda raggio ne scintilla Di celeste fulgor, che non ho mai Ne mai son per aver ora tranquil la.

Di poi che '1 mio diletto abbandonai, Non ebbi nd aver vo' vita serena, Ma sempre in pianti consumarmi e in guai. Quella stagion che al buon tempo rimena Rami fronzuti e i fiori in tra le fronde, Dona altrui gioja e me ripone in pena. E quando io miro i pesci in tra quest' onde, Si son d' ogni altra sorte invidioso, m Che il lor vago solazzo mi confonde. S' io vedo uccelli andar insieme a volo, Se P armento de' cervi in selva accolto, Di cotal vista piu mi accresce il duolo; Che ogni animal va Hbero e disciolto, E si accompagna a quel che lo diletta; Ma a me star seco, o pur vederla, e tolte.

La tortorella che si sta soletta Cantando, anzi piangendo il suo consorte, Per mezzo il cor di doglia mi saetta ; E mi rammenta mia misera sorte, Che son rimasto solo e sconsolato, Com' io sono e sard sino a la morte. Verde cipresso, nobile e beato Per la cara memoria di colei, Che ha il suo bel nome in tua scorza segnato ; Ben tra le piante gloriar ti dei, Avendo un tal tesor che e teco unite; Ma doler mi debb' io che lo perdei.

II dolce nome tuo non fia partite Mai dal mio petto ; Amor con la sua mano Con stral d' oro ve 1' ha dentro scolpito. Ma rimembrando quanto io son lontano Al tuo bel viso, per V angoscia moro: Se a te non torno, ogni altro ajuto e vano.

Splendeva il sole a la mia valle aprica, Le viti carche e 1' uva era raatura, Compiuto il grano ed arida la spica: Cade tempesta e grandine si dura, Che es8en4o gia vicino a tanto acquisto Ogni speranza da le man mi fura.

Lasso, dolente, sventurato e tristo! Ch' ebbi nel prate un arboscello inserto ; Piu vagp tronco il mondo non ha visto: De le sue fronde standomi coperto, E gia godendo il suo frutto soave, Lo abbandonai ed e per me deterto. Danno insperato, e perdita mi grava: Ebbi in tal modo una colomba avezia, Che aprendo il becoo in bocca mi badava.

E poi 1' abbandonai per mia sdocchezza, E se non torno a lei, credo morire ; Che ogni altra gioia Y anima disprezsa. The above lines are not inferior to those of any contemporary poet. His sdruccioli run with ease, and that difficult rhyme is managed in a masterly style.

The diction is plain and correct, and the verse flows smoothly and softly. The images are pretty, and adapted to the persons ; nor can they be accused of being unnaturally affected, or excessively refined. They are simple and lively, as also neat and elegant. What is still more to be praised is, that the ideas are original, and, on the whole, more pastoral than is the case even in the most renowned poets, who have treated similar subjects.

The affection of Bojardo for the Duke Her- cules seems to have been very warm and sincere. XXXVH his sickness or his misfortunes. When he was at Rome with the Duke Borso, and consequently before Hercules had become his sovereign, he wrote the following most delicate lines, from which it seems he felt as much grief on being separated from this prince, whom he calls his lord, as he felt for being at a distance from his love.

This affection of the poet is the more honorable to both parties, as it was very doubtful whether Hercules would succeed his brother Borso in the Dukedom of Ferrara, whilst the power and rank of Bojardo were so considerable, that it seems to have been more likely at this time that Hercules would stand in need of the support of the poet, than that a proud and powerful noble- man should have any motive for flattering a prince, whose future greatness was, at most, very problematical.

We must conclude, therefore, that Hercules's private desert and character ren- dered him worthy of Bojardo's affection and attachment. In quel fiorito e vago paradiso La dove regna Amore, Lasciai, piangendo, alia mia donna il core: E vivo pur ancor da lui diviso?

In un sol punto mi fu tolta allora Ogni mia cara cosa e preziosa ; Resto la vita, ch' ebbi sempre a vile. Due cose fur mia speme, e sono ancora: Ercole 1' una il mio Signor gentile, L' altra il bel volto, ov' anco il cor si posa. In the ninth of the Latin eclogues, which, as Venturi has observed, seems to have been writ- ten about , when, I think, Hercules returned to Modena, of which he was governor, two shep- herds Tityrus, that is the poet himself, and Cory- don, meet for the purpose of going to do homage to that prince.

Corydon says, amongst other things: Herculis adveptu fugientia gramma campo Creverunt, placidae placidisque in montibus umbrae. Tityre, tunc madido frondebunt cana Decembri Lilia, tunc gelidia rorabit nubibus ardens Syrius, et tardi properabunt plaustra Bootae, Cum meus ille meo labetur pectore Princeps. Si libet, hunc igitur pariter cantabimus: Plaudite, Hamadryades, viridique ex arbore sertum Implicet errantes per Candida colla capillos, Nam meus Alcides patrias remeavit ad areas ; Plaudite: Sed procul ad veteris videor mini compitaquercus Cernere equos equitesque: Ille superbum Cornipedem vexans, cui splendet proxima Phaebo Candida caesaries, cui dulcia lumina fulgent, Ille Sigismundus Domini germ anus.

At ecce Lux mea progreditur, ceu syderepurior omni Lucifer acurato depellit nubila vultu. XXXIX Prince Sigismondo, Hercules's brother, was then governor of Reggio, and the compitum here alluded to, is, perhaps, that formed by the Strada maestra, which is crossed by the Rua grande, at the north end of which is the ducal palace of Modena.

It was also mentioned in the first eclogue. Hercules of Este is very highly praised by historians for his splendour, and even for his classical knowledge by some, whilst others deny that he even knew the Latin language. Tiraboschi has confuted this opinion, and the confutation certainly appears to receive great strength from the circumstance of the Latin eclogues. The first verses of the tenth eclogue, before quoted, in my opinion, settle the question; Si mea lascivis, Princeps invicte, Thalia Carminibus strideiu castas offenderit aures, Da veniam ; primis tibi talia ludimus annis, Dum ladles versus et mollia verba canentem Oblectant, blando dum mens torquetur amore.

Now, to address, in this manner, a person who did not understand Latin would have been insulting, and would at the same time imply such meanness in the poet, as we are not warranted in supposing him capable of. The magnificence of this duke, seems, how- ever, to be more unquestionably ascertained than his learning.

His praises on the occasion of some of his grand undertakings, are thus cele- brated by the poet Tito Vespasiano Strozzi, bro- ther of Bojardo's mother, as we have observed. Ponere templa Deis, drcumdare mantbus urbem Regia depodto tecta novare situ. Egregiam magnis absalvere sumptibus arcem, Cum certo immensum fine careret opus: Tot veteri ornamenta foro prsebere, novumque Addere, et innumeras edificare domos: Sternere nostra vias ad commoda ; cuigere muro Pascentes intus lata per arva feras: Magnum et difficile est moliri tanta repente, Totque animum curis implicuisse simul; Hsec et pulchra tamen nostri admiranda peregit Oh remincredibUem!

Nunc hortos etiam Alcippi et pomaria Cyri Ezuperant una nata vireta die. Without stopping to inquire how far a sovereign deserves to be praised, who levies taxes on his people, to be spent in objects, scarcely any of which will ever be beneficial to them, we must add, that to the mania of building lasting edifices, this prince added that of having occasional thea- tres erected for the performance, at enormous expence, of some of the Latin comedies, which were translated for this purpose.

The Mencechmi of Plautus, seems to have been the first which was represented, translated, as some have sup- posed, by the Duke Hercules himself; but it is more probable that it was rendered into Italian by Battista Guarino, the elder, who has left us a description of. Et remis puppim, et velo sine fluctibus actam Vidimus in portus nare Epidamne tuos. Vidimus effictam ccelsis cum moenibus urbem, Structaque per latos tecta auperba vias.

Ardua creverunt gradibus spectacula multis, Velaruntque omnes stragula picta foros. Graecia vbc tales habuit vel Roma paratus, Dum regerent longis finibus imperium. Venit et ad magnos populosaBononia ludos, Et cum finitimis Mantua Principibus. Euganeis junctse properarunt collibus urbet, Quique bibunt lymphas, Arae vadose, tuas.

Hinc plebs, bine equites plauserunt, inde Senatus; Hinc cum vigineo nupta caterva choro. Chronicle, that the comedy had been also represented on the first day of that month. The representations at Ferrara are undoubt- edly among the oldest, if not the very oldest, of regular comedies performed on a princely scale. It was certainly written before , since Bo- jardo died in that year ; but as other poets wrote at the request of the same prince, before , and their comedies were represented at Ferrara, it is impossible to say with certainty that U Timone was the first of all Italian comedies, al- though there is no doubt it was among the earliest.

Although Bojardo has modestly said that his comedy is translated from Lucian, yet it is p This we learn from the title of the work itself: Io che fui Greco ed abitai Soria E son detto per nome Luciano Usata ho sol sin qui la lingua mia ; Ma la benignita di quel sovrano Che quivi regna, per darvi diletto, Di Greco oggi mi fece Itahano.

Among many other additions, the whole of the fifth act is Bojardo's. And as it is characteristic in its conclusion, a few words will be said concerning it, and a few ex- tracts given. After Timone has got rid of all those who flocked about him on hearing that he had become rich once more, Lo Ausilio that is Help appears on the stage, and says that Timone vainly thinks of finding happiness in solitude, since man, what- ever be his condition, is made for society, and cannot do without the assistance of his fellow- creatures.

Timone had concealed a treasure in the tomb of Timocrate, who died very rich, but who, foreseeing that his son, Filocoro, would soon throw away his fortune, buried a large treasure in the tomb, unknown to every one ; and, on dying, left a letter to his son, with a strong injunction that he should not open it be- fore ten years' from his death, when he ordered him to send the letter to the tomb. Filocoro having squandered all his fortune, was in prison for debt, when the period for opening the letter arrived.

Parmeno and Siro went together towards the place, and there they found Timone watching, as he was in fear of being robbed of the money which he had deposited in the tomb. The letter was ad- dressed to Pluto, but still at the instigation of Siro, Parmeno, having opened it, learned that they would find in the sepulchre some vases full of money.

Being pre- vented by Timone's presence, they determined to conceal themselves till his departure, and then to open Timocrate's tomb. They hid themselves accordingly, and then Timone, being on the stage alone, takes leave of the spectators in the follow- ing manner: Pur ho scacciate queste due formiche Che raspavano 1' oro alia mia buca ; Or vadan pur, che Dio le malediche.

Cotal fortuna a casa li conduca, Che lor fiacchi le gambe al primo passo, E nel secondo 1' osso della nuca. Vol altri, che ascoltate giuso al basso, Chiedete, se Tolete alcuna cosa, Prima ch' io parta, perche mo vi lasso. Benche abbia V alma irata e disdegnosa, Da ingiusti oltraggi combattuta e vinta, A voi gia non 1' avro tanto ritrosa. In me non e pietade al tutto estinta: Facda di voi la prova chi gli pare, Sino alia corda, che mi trovo cinta, Gli presterd, volendosi impiccare.

After having made this kind offer to the spectators, Timone leaves the stage, and then Lo Ausilio comes forth once more, and addresses the audience, as follows: Forse che attend ancora riguardate, Che li due send a voi tornino avanti: Ma piu non usciran: Tra voi d gente onesta ne' sembianti: Pur ne la sera che le strade oscurano Mai si potria fidare di cotanti.

Siro e Parmeno gia non s' assicurano Di scoprir quel tesor sensa bbbiglio, Ne d' aver vostra compagnia si curano. It is shortly this; Parmeno and Siro open the tomb and find both Timone's and Filocoro's treasure. They share the first between themselves, honestly deliver to Filocoro his own, and all become rich and live happily.

No more is said of Timone, who we may suppose applied to his own use the cord, of which he had made so courteous an offer to the audience. Some critics may perhaps find it worth while to inquire into the merits of the conclusion of this comedy. I shall, however, refrain from entering on such discussion. Such are the minor poetical works of Bojardo, and, had he written no other than these, he would have deserved a distinguished place among the Italian poets. It is not, however, as a poet only that his name ought to be remembered with respect and gratitude.

As a scholar, he was one of the most distinguished that Italy has produced ; and before entering into an examination of his most solid and everlasting monument of glory, the Orlando Innamorato, his learned prose works must be noticed.

These prose works consist chiefly of trans- lations from Latin and Greek authors of the first class. Several of these translations have never been printed, and even those which have had a better fortune are now scarce, not having been republished for about three hundred years. We may, however, believe that the merits of Bojardo as a translator are of a very high order, when we consider the time at which he wrote.

His interpretation will probably be er- roneous in many instances, and he may perhaps have fallen into mistakes, of which at our own days an inferior scholar would not be guilty ; but, when we consider the gigantic strides which since Bojardo's days have been made in these studies, we shall have more reason to wonder at the ungenerous triumph with which these faults are brought forward as a reproach against the Count of Scandiaho, than that he should have committed them.

If a biographer of this great man were disposed to treat critics with the same rigour, with which they have treated Bojardo, he might call upon them to enter into particulars, and instead of a dogmatical general accusation against the translator, to point out the passages which render him liable to cri- ticism.

It would then, probably, be found that they are both fewer in number and of less im- portance than we are led to believe by the general imputation cast on Bojardo. But even admitting him to be as faulty as these rigid disciples of Aristarchus would have us believe, still his glory as a scholar will be splendid, and his place in the literary republic higher than that of his ill-natured adversaries. The published translations of Bojardo are: Apule jo delV Anno d' Oro: In that dedication, as quoted by Zeno, Bojardo tells the Duke that it is to him that the Italian language is indebted for the pri- vilege of expressing the sentiments not only of Herodotus but of Diodorus also ; the first six books of whose history had been in fact translated at Ferrara by an anonymous writer.

It is re- markable that no mention is made in this de- dication, so far at least as we may judge from Zeno's extract, of the translation of Xenophon's Cyropcedia, which was accomplished by Bojardo, and which still exists in MS.

If there were any reason for supposing r Gamba, Testi di Ling. In questa rozza e curiosa opera si trovano voci e modi di dire pieni di vivezza e di prpprieta. Those, who have an opportunity of comparing the MS.

Besides the Cyropcedia, there exists in MS. Emilio Probo degli Uomini Illustri di G recta. It is, probably, nothing but a translation of the Lives of C. Nepos, a work which for a long time was attributed to jEmilius Probds.

There have been writers who have asserted that Bojardo translated Homer, but no evidence whatever ex- ists in support of this assertion. Doni says that Bojardo wrote also a book called Testamento delF Anima ; but as this work is mentioned only by this barefaced impostor, we may be certain that it never existed, and that the title was a forgery of the impudent priest.

These letters, we are told by Tiraboschi, who has seen them, contain nothing of importance. Among the prose works of Bojardo, I have hitherto purposely omitted to speak of one more known than all the others, which deserves to be noticed at some length, It is the Istoria Impe- rial, which Bojardo professes to have translated from Ricobaldo.

Muratori, the father of Italian history, a man to whom Italy and the history of the middle ages owe more than to any other person, has published this work of Bojardo in the ninth volume of his Rerum Italicarum Scrip- tores, the most splendid monument of patriotism ever erected by an individual, to preserve the records of the past glory of his country.

He has prefixed a preface to the work, in which, with his usual critical acuteness, the illustrious editor enters into an investigation of the authorship of the book, and arrives at the conclusion that Bojardo was not the mere translator, but the original author of the Istoria Imperiale.

This point would not have been here minutely discussed, were it not that the Istoria Imperiale is an invaluable fund of information concerning the narrative romanesque poems of Italy, and that it throws considerable light on the subject of the Orlando Innamorato. Rioobaxdo was a native of Ferrara: Muratori and Eccardus have edited only part of it, under the title of Historia Imperatorum, from about the year to , and along with it they have published a Compi- latio Historica, from the beginning of the world to the year , The edition of the Pomarmm by Muratori, was collated by him with a MS.

Pomerium that is Pomarium J vero dicitur hoc opus duabus de causis. Una quia sicut pomerium quando conseritur, ex plantis ex affis pomeriis acceptis plantatur, ita hoc opus ex mnlfcis seriptis aliorum librorum conscriptnm est. Secunda causa, quia skut pomeria fiunt ad oblectamenta visus et gus- tus, ita hoc opus editum ad oblectationem animi per fructus exemplorum historian, et ad jocunditatem et refectionem animi per fructus exemplorum rerum gestarum.

Nam jocundum est scire res gestas, et fructuosum est instrui per illas. He, however, immediately suspected it was an original work of Bojabdo ; the more so, as he could find no mention of its ex- istence befpre Bo jabdo's time ; nor was any trace to be. It would be tedious to enter into details explaining why. We may, however, be allowed to express a doubt, whether, Mubatobi did not go too far in sup- posing that Ricobaldo never dreamt of writing such a book, and that Bojabdo wilfully intended to palm on the public a forgery, containing im- pudejit falsehoods, which Jie published as truths, knowing.

But, although these addi- tions contain many assertions which are incorrect, their untruth does not seem to have been sus- pected by Bojabpo. But it seems that the history, then known under the name of Turpin's, was different from that which is now extant.

Under the reign of Ludovic I. Rxcobaldo relates the story of a young damsel, who lived without food for several years; and of a large piece of ice which tell in summer, fifteen feet in length, six in breadth, and two in thickness.

Now, although there be not one word of this in Turpin, we find, however, tjie narrative, with respect to the long fast of the young woman, told twice over in Nithard's Ann. Of him Ricobaldo in -the Pomarium says but little. I ought, perhaps, to have mentioned, that a fragment of a poem, De Carolo M. Rege et Leonis Papa ad eundem adventu, is probably part of a. But as we know that it is historically true that Lothaire the younger, or, as others call him, of Lorraine, was Hie object of peculiar dislike to the priesthood; that he was excommunicated, and re-admitted to communion only after the most terrible" imprecations on his head from the pope, if he Were guilty; and finally, that he, as well as most of those who were admitted to the communion on that occa- sion, died soon after, we are justified inf thinking that, what was related in mistake by Ricobaldo respecting the soul of Lothaire I.

De cujus anima maxima inter Arigelos et Demoneft akercatio fait, fta ut cunctig assistentibus corpus flistrahi videretur ; sed orationibus Monachorum Dssmones ' fiigati sunt.

Muratori, among the other historical blun- ders committed by the writer of the Istoria Im- periale, which nearly determined him not to pub- lish the book, alludes particularly to the extra- vagant stories which the author tells as having happened under the reign of Charles the Bald ; and points out the gross genealogical mistakes into which he falls, especially in confounding together Charles the Fat and Charles the Simple.

With regard to the events, which are said to have taken place under Charles the Bald, we shall have occasion to say something more hereafter. It cannot be denied that the opinion of Mu- eatoei is substantially correct, that such a history was never written by Ricobaldo, and that most of the events related by Bojardo, were never recorded by that historian.

It appears clear that the Istoria Imperiale is the Pomarium of Ricobaldo translated, taking this word in the sense in which Bojardo took it, when he said that his tragedy, II Timone, was translated from Lucian.

Bojardo took the Pomarium as his text book ; and, in turning it from Latin into Italian, made such additions to it, as he conscientiously thought necessary to render that history more complete. The Istoria Imperiale is better written than many histories which have received greater re- nown, and contain as many mistatements as that of Bojardo ; with this difference, that whilst the latter is chargeable only with being mistaken, some more famous historians, both ancient and modern, are guilty of the most deliberate and gross falsehoods, set forth to serve their private views, and for the purpose of deceiving future generations.

The importance of this history, in relation to the poem of Bojardo, cannot be esti- mated, till this poem itself be known; and I shall therefore proceed to examine the Orlando Innamorato.

The epoch when this poem was begun is not known. In the first of his Latin eclogues, Tity- rus, a name taken by the poet himself, is recorded as attempting to sing of war ; c and the same allu- sion occurs in the fifth eclogue also.

The two first books of the poem were printed at Venice in I, nearly as we now read them. From canto i to canto xxii is. The war between the Venetians and the Duke of Ferrara, which broke out in , and in which Bojaedo undoubtedly took part, prevented his proceeding in the work. Peace being concluded in , he returned to his poem. The poet died, as we have seen, in' Decem- ber of that year ; so that he seems to have la- boured at his poem, till within a few weeks of his death.

Within four years of that epoch, Marsiglio Ficiko departed this life, and to the death of Lorenzo de' Medici, which happened in , were probably owing the misfortunes of Italy which then began, and have never since ceased. But they are to be envied rather than pitied ; for their early death prevented them from seeing their country disgraced and enslaved by foreigners. It is from that time, that the heaviest of all curses which can fall on a nation, a foreign yoke, has blasted Italy.

They might have witnessed some of its blighting effects, had they lived a few years lon- ger ; and, trifling as these effects may appear to the Italians of the present day, who are doomed to Stffler the utmost that foreign tyranny can' inflict, the evils of their country would have been too titter for the proud hearts of men, unaccustomed to such degradation.

There is no doubt but that all of them were warm friends of their country ; Bojardo, more particularly, who speaks of her with enthusiasm, and would, therefore, have been more keenly touched by her misfortunes. The first complete edition of the Orlando Innamorato was made at Scandiano after the death of the poet, in The poem, as it was then printed, and as it has been ever since pub- lished, was divided into three books, and each book divided into cantos, the first book containing twenty-nine cantos, the second thirty-one, and the third only nine.

Each book was to comprise a particular portion of the general subject. Thus, as we find in Venturi, the first book relates, ac- cording to the edition of , ' the different adventures and causes of Orlando's love. Tu vero felix, Agricola, non vitae tantum daritate sed etiam opportunitate mortis. The poet, in feet in the 4th stanza of the first canto of the 2nd book, engages especially to sing of Ruggero. The stanza is as follows: The whole poem consists, therefore, of sixty- nine cantos, distributed as above.

Modern edi- tors of the Orlando Innamorato remade as it is called by Berni have been pleased to number the cantos in a continued progression, from one to sixty-nine ; a system not only followed in the edition of Berni in the Classici Italiani one of the worst of that bad collection , but even in the only critical edition of the Innamorato by Berni ever made ; that in two volumes printed at Flo- rence by Molini.

Bo jardo concludes the last canto of the second book with the following lines: A Dio amanti, e dame peregrine, A vostro onor di questo libro e il fine. If the work be not divided into, books, the expres- sion questo libro is not easily intelligible. In like manner Bebni says, lib. In fact he ends the thirty first canto of this second book, like Bojardo: A vol leggiadri amanti, e peregrine Dame, ha princrpio questo Libro e fine 1 In the 5th sL e. Nel principio del Libro che e passato Da voce di grandissimo terrore Da messed!

I have therefore thought it my duty to follow the division and subdivision, which the poet was pleased to adopt. Bojardo received the traditions respecting Charlemagne as a foundation for his poem, but introduced at the same time a very important novelty by enlivening them with love, which is constantly banished from them in their primitive state.

He went farther ; he took for his prin- cipal hero, Orlando ; and for the subject of his l Aver principio a una persona is a very strange ex- pression. Ixiii poem, the love of that hero, whilst the romancers agree, in saying that Orlando was never so foolish or so noble-hearted as to fall in love. The boldness of this innovation cannot now be folly appreciated, when the romantic traditions are matter of curious inquiry for the learned, in- stead of being the subject of popular belief as they were inBojAKDo's time.

He had the merit of being the first of the romanesque poets, who, faithful to the title which he gave to the work, wrote on the subject, as he had promised his readers he would do. From the stanza quoted above, in which the principal subjects of the third book of the poem are enu- merated, we see that the murder of Ruggero was to occupy a prominent part of it, and there is no doubt that his love with Brandamante was to be likewise the object of the poet's particular attention.

Yet in the same stanza we see, that the glorious deeds of Orlando, performed through love, were. It will he necessary, both to prove this, and for the better understanding of the poem, to in- troduce a short analysis of the principal action of the Orlando Innamorato, to show the connection of the events, and how they are dependent on the Love of Orlando, which receives an epic importance from this connection, whilst the facts themselves are thus rendered more interest- ing, and are at the same time cemented toge- ther by that hero and his passion.

The fol- lowing is a sketch of the principal action of the Innamorato, Whilst Charlemagne is holding a court plenar at Paris, at which twenty-two thousand and thirty guests were entertained at dinner ; a lady presents herself before him, accompanied by four giants' and a knight, who defies all the warriors to a joust.

She was so remarkably beautiful, that every one fell in love with her, Orlando and Rinaldo among others. Malagigi, a great enchanter, conjured a fiend to know who this lady was, and he learned that she was called Angelica, and that the knight Argalia is her brother ; that they were sent by their father Oalaphron king of Catay, in order that they should partly by allurements, partly by force, bring as many as they could of the Paladins prisoners to him ; that besides her beauty, Ange- lica had a ring, which defended the wearer, on whose finger it was from all spells, while, if con- LIFE OF BOJARDO.

As for the knight, he was brave; had a suit of enchanted armour, which could not pos- sibly be broken or pierced ; and a lance of gold so charmed, that no one could stand against it. Any person touched by this lance immediately fell to the ground.

Malagigi went to the lady, who was sleeping, intending to kill her ; but, softened by her beauty, changed his mind: Ferrau eventually killed Argalia, and Astolfo got pos- session of the enchanted lance. Angelica deter- mined to return home, and was pursued by Or- lando and Rinaldo, who were both smitten with her. On the way, she stopped to drink of an en- chanted fountain, which caused any one who tasted its waters, to love ; whilst Rinaldo drank the water of another fountain, which inspired hatred.

Angelica consequently fell madly in love with him, while he, detesting her, and ashamed of his former affection for her, returned to Paris. Charles had received sad news. Gradasso, a king of Sericana, had conceived a desire to obtain possession of Bajardo, Rinaldo's horse, and of Durindana, Orlando's sword.

But as he knew the proprietors would sell their wares rather dear, he determined to invade France, and accordingly set off with one hundred and fifty thousand cavalry, and plenty of giants, invading Spain, on his way to France.

Angelica, having returned to her own country, restored to Malagigi his liberty and his book, on condition that he should persuade Rinaldo, his brother, to go to her. Malagigi, finding more diffi- culty than he could possibly have anticipated in performing this task, ensnared Rinaldo into a ship, which, against his will, took him to an island far distant, than which, however, no pleasanter spot could be imagined.

Gradasso being then unop- posed by Rinaldo, obliged Marsilio to become his vassal, and both together attacked France, and in a pitched battle took prisoner Charles with all his Paladins. Bajardo, Rinaldo's horse, having been brought back from Spain to Paris by the French soldiers, Gradasso very generously offered to liberate Charles and all his peers, pro- vided that this horse should be delivered to him immediately, and that the Emperor should pledge his word to send Orlando's sword as soon as this renowned Paladin returned to Paris.

Charles accepted these proposals very readily; but Astolfo, who commanded in Paris, refused, to the great sorrow of the Emperor, to give up Ba- jardo, for which refusal he was considered crazy ; and indeed with good reason.

The golden lance worked its usual wonders, and the King of Sericana was unseated. But Astolfo, dissatis- fied with Charlemagne, left France in search of his cousins, Orlando and Rinaldo. Agricane King of Tartary had been an unsuc- cessful lover of Angelica, and determining to con- quer her by force, laid siege to Albracca, a fortress where she was shut up, and to which Astolfo went, in the hope of finding Orlando.

He was not there, but he soon came,' having been delivered by Angelica from a strangely en- chanted palace, in which he had been detained. When he arrived, he fought as usual, and killed Agricane in a duel.

Rinaldo, on the other hand, hearing that the island where he was belonged to Angelica, fled from it. After many adventures, being informed of the siege of Albracca, he went thither, through hatred of Angelica, and expecting to find Orlando with her. The two cousins quar- relled and fought desperately. Angelica, who lov- ed Rinaldo as much as ever, fearing the issue of the contest, sent Orlando on a perilous and distant ex- pedition, which suspended the duel.

King Trojano had been killed in France by Or- lando sixteen years before, and his son determined to revenge his death, with which design he in- vaded France.

After this they all started for France. But Rodamonte King of Algieri, and the bravest amongst Agramante's vassals, having lost patience, would not wait for any one, and sailed alone for Europe, where he landed, after a terrible storm, on the.

At the same time Marsiglio King of Spain, through the treacherous suggestions of Gano, attacked France from the Pyrenees. Orlando, who had been sent by Angelica on the perilous quest already mentioned, accom- plished it, and, after sundry adventures, met with Rinaldo, who had set.

They became friends, however, and a messenger dispatched by Charles, summoned them to the assistance of the empire, threatened as we have seen above. Rinaldo obeyed the summons, but Orlando returned to Angelica, then besieged in Albracca by a terrible Indian queen, called Mar- fisa, who had sworn never to raise the siege till she had taken her. When Orlando told Angelica that Rinaldo had returned to France, she, on the plea that Albracca would soon be obliged to sur- render through famine, persuaded him that they had better all proceed to France, which was done, and they safely reached that country.

Rinaldo had arrived there long before, and had bravely fought against Rodamonte and Mar- siglio. But it was not necessary to go so far ; he soon met her, who had that very moment drunk of the Fountain of Disdain. She fled, while he engaged Orlando who accompanied her. Charles, how- ever, and the Paladins interfering, put an end to the duel, entrusting the lady, who was the cause of it, to the care of the old Duke of Bavaria.

The Emperor gave both the lovers to understand that he would bestow the lady on him who should fight best against the Saracens. Their assist- u Ginguene says: Charlemagne remet Angelique entre lea mains du vieux Naismes et promet aux deux rivanx qu'il trouvera les moyen de les accorder, sans qu' aucun des deux puisse avoir a se plaindre de sa justice.

Then he adds the following note. L' extrait du Roland amoureux dans la Bibliothique des Romans,Tporte que Charlesmagnepromit alors Angelique a celui des deux paladins qui ferait les plus grands exploits dans la bataille qu'il allait livrer aux Sarrazins. L' Arioste le dit positivement ainsi au comencement de son Roland Furieux, c.

Le Bojardo dit, 1. Promettendo a ciascun di terminare La cosa, con tal fine e tal effetto, Che ogni uom giudicarebbe veramente Lui esser giusto, ed uom saggio e prudente. Le Berni, ibid, st. This is all very true ; but it is not the whole truth. In the judii canto of that same book, the following two stanzas by Bojardo are to be found: Ma quando vide la gente di Spagna, Tutta assembrata per calar ai piani, Chiamd Ranaldo, ed ebbe a lui promesso Non dar la Dama a Orlando per espresso, Purche facesse quel giorno col brando Si fatta prova e dimostrazione,.

Che piu di lui non meritasse Orlando, pa T altra parte il figjio di Mjlone.. Fece cfciamar da parte, e ragionando, Con lui, gli die secreta intenzione, Che mai la Dama non avra Ranaldo, Purche combatta il giorno. Ciascun di lor quel giorno se. In Bern i these stanzas are as follows: Rinaldo fought with Ferrau, then with Ruggero, and was at last obliged to run after his horse, Rajardo, into a wood where it escaped. In this wood Rinaldo is left by the poet: Brandamante, his brave sister, fell in love with Ruggero, and then withdrew from the field of battle wounded.

Charles was forced to retire into Paris, where Agramante, Ruggero, Marsilio, Cioe, se far volesse il dl col brando Prova si chiara, e tal dimostrazione, Che piu di lui non meritasse Orlando ; Poi 6? Onde disponsi ciascuno e destina Di non parer del suo Cugin minore. Many of the events which follow would be unintelligible but for this emulation of the two cousins, excited in them by Char- lemagne's promise.

Of this more will be said elsewhere. Ferrau, Mandricardo, Rodamonte, Gradasso, in fact, the bravest of the Saracens besieged him. He made a desperate sally, which was supported by Orlando and Brandimarte, and here the poem is interrupted. Considering the succession of events, all tend- ing to show the love of Orlando for Angelica, and the mischief done by her beauty among the. Christians, we cannot doubt this love to be the main action of the poem.

The love of Orlando is the chief subject of the Innamorato, as the anger, of Achilles is that of the Iliad. The events pro- ceed and grow out of one another without inter- ruption. Had not Orlando been in love with Angelica, he would not have followed, her to India; and thus he would have defended his king and his country from the invaders.

Every event is attached to the first coming of Angelica, into France, not only indirectly, but, in some, cases, in the most direct manner. The Christians are beaten by the Saracens on account of Or- lando's absence, just as the Greeks are by the Trojans, on account of the absence of Achilles ; the absence in both cases is produced by the passions, which are sung by the poets ; in Bo- jardo, love; in Homer, anger.

The loss of the Christians, as well as that of the Greeks, is in- directly the effect of this love, and of this anger. But when we see Mandricardo come to join Agramante, and the other enemies of Charles, it is a direct consequence of Orlando's love for Angelica. When, however, Mandricardo, together with the other Saracens, beats the Chris- tians, on account, as we perceive, of Orlando's absence, this also is indirectly produced by his love for Angelica.

The successive course of events which in this manner grow out of one another, has been, as far as possible, stripped of all episodes. Yet the episodes in the Innamorato are very numerous.. It was impossible to avoid entering into some ; for instance, the alternate love and disdain of Rinaldo and Angelica. This episode arises out of the presence of Angelica in France, and the consequences are the quarrels between Rinaldo and Orlando.

It is Angelica's journey to France which causes Rinaldo to follow her ; from this proceeds, not only his antipathy towards her, but also the love which she feels for him, out of which grow Marsiglio's defection, and his alliance with Agramante against Charles ; whilst, on the other hand, by means of this alternate disdain and love, the poet contrives to keep Ri- naldo out of the way; one of Charles' misforr tunes and causes of ruin.

By this, also, Ri- naldo's. He is the Diomedes of the Christian army. It has been observed before 2 that the popula- rity of Charlemagne in Italy was owing to his successful wars against the Saracens, and that the interest respecting him and his warriors resulted, in a great measure, from their being identified with the prosperity of the Christian religion. These were powerful reasons for rendering the stories concerning Charlemagne important to Christians in general, but more particularly to the Italian contemporaries of Bojardo.

In his time a crusade was seriously thought of as Fos- colo observes , the power of the Turks having struck terror into the Christians, and especially into the Italians, The poet was about twenty-four years of age, when Enea Silvio Piccolomini was raised to the Pontificate, and took the name of Pio II.

This illustrious prelate, both before and after his elevation, exerted himself with all his power to bring about a general alliance of the Christians against the Turks.

In describing the wars against Charlemagne, Bojardo directed him- self to the passions and sympathies of his audience and readers, and.

He himself must have felt strongly on this subject, and have been deeply affected in describing those imaginary dangers, which he might consider that his nation and himself would soon have really to encounter and overcome. In , he took Negroponte from the Venetians, and three years afterwards he defeated the King of Persia.

He wrested CafFa from the Genoese in , and in the. Venetians were forced to surrender to him Calcide and Scutari, and were, moreover, obliged to pay him an annual tribute. It is asserted, that he consi- dered himself the legitimate sovereign of Italy, having succeeded to the rights of the Emperors of Constantinople, who fancied themselves mo- narchs of that country. Mahomet having in vain attacked Rodi, urged, it has been supposed, by the Venetians, as well as by Lorjnzo dx' Medici, 7 took an opportunity of quarrelling with the King of Naples, because he had sent some assistance to the knights of Rodi, and di- rected his generals to attack the kingdom of Naples, in consequence of which Otranto was taken by the barbarians in More than ten thousand inhabitants were put to the sword, and the cruel conquerors abandoned themselves to those hor- rible and flagitious excesses for which the Ma- - y The conduct of the Venetians looks rather suspicious ; but Mr.

The capture of Otranto spread terror through- out Italy. The Pope, it is affirmed, thought at one time of flying to France, fearing lest Rome should be attacked. He wrote, in the most pressing and pathetic terms, to all the Christian powers, craving for assistance against Mahomet.

The Vene- tians refused to accede to this confederacy, and perhaps little would have been effected by the allies, had not Mahomet died about this time, and a quarrel arisen between two of his sons respecting the throne. The Turk, who com- manded in Otranto, pressed hard by sea and by land, made a desperate defence, but was finally obliged to capitulate, the troops which were coming to his relief having been recalled to the interior of the empire, where a civil war was raging.

Alfonso, son of Ferdinand King of Naples, commanded the forces which besieged Otranto, and the city surrendered into his hands. The nobles, for whom the work was most pro- bably written, were flattered by its subject. It seems evident that Bojardo composed his poem, and read it at the court of Ferrara. He often addresses himself to his hearers ; and in a very explicit manner he alludes to that court in the second stanza of the last canto of his poem.

Ben n' ha 1' Italia vera esperienza Che gia ripiena di spietati Turchi Per lui purgata fia di tal semenza. Ma che dico io? Saette, foco e folgori non stima, Ne quella gente orribile e leggera Tra la qual Marte sua sede ebbe in prima. The passage al- luded to by Ventuei may be comprised among those which he added.

It has been asserted that Bojardo took the names of some of his Saracen warriors from his vassals at Scandiano. The one respecting the names of the heroes being taken from those of vassals of Bojardo, originated with Castelvetro ; and Vallisnieri added that some of these names are still common at Scan- diano.

I can affirm that this is not the fact in our own days, and I dare say it was not in Val- lisnieri's time. A woman is called in ridicule a Qua troverai tin altro Paradiso ; Or vieni adunque e spirami di graccia grazia El tuo dolce diletto e '1 dolce riso St che cantando a questi soddisfaccia.

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